<<That said, who gives a good gorram whether President Bush said an attack from Iraq was imminent, pending, or even impending in exact words? He argued the case, and again I quote, that "Saddam Hussein and his weapons are a direct threat to this country, to our people, and to all free people." Not "could become a threat" or "someday he might be" but that Saddam Hussein was a threat right then. And I notice that we didn't just bomb weapons factories. We went to war with Iraq and deliberately toppled the government. I don't know what part of "Saddam Hussein and his weapons are a direct threat" would be unclear. I am willing to give President Bush credit for a number of character traits, but subtlety isn't one of them.>>
That is one sharp and direct rebuttal to sirs' nonsensical claims that the Bush administration did not fear-monger, did not make ludicrous claims that Iraq posed an actual rather than a potential danger to the U.S.A.
The same could be said for Condi's argument about not being able to afford to wait till the smoking gun becomes a mushroom cloud. The unmistakeable inference to be drawn from that remark was that failure to take immediate action (the only action then beng advocated by the administration being the invasion of Iraq) would lead to nuclear strikes on U.S. soil. Of course, as sirs has tried to do, you could parse the sentence and find, for example, that no one specified where the mushroom cloud was going to be, but in the context of a debate over war or peace, Condi obviously being on the war side, that "mushroom cloud" was obviously intended to maximise the downside of not invading, and could only refer to a mushroom cloud directly over the heads of the non-invaders and their loved ones.
However, I think it's misleading to comment solely on what Bush said, what Condi said, etc. The manufacturing of consent is a broad-based and sophisticated effort that of necessity goes beyond what members of the government themselves were quoted as saying. You have to look at the MSM campaign, led by the New York Times and particularly Judith Miller. The Times was obviously giving voice to the administration through anonymous and/or "leaked" information from government sources directly or indirectly, and the failure of the administration to deny any of the pro-war lies of Judith Miller and the Times is as much a part of the campaign as what Bush and his handlers did say for the record.