Author Topic: Petraeus's Success  (Read 1066 times)

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Christians4LessGvt

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Petraeus's Success
« on: September 14, 2007, 06:35:28 PM »
Petraeus's Success
Follow the general.

By Charles Krauthammer

As always, the inadvertent slip is the most telling. Discussing the performance of British troops, Gen. David Petraeus told Sen. Joe Biden of the Foreign Relations Committee that he'd be consulting with British colleagues in London on his way back home. He had meant to say Iraq, where he is now on his third tour of duty. Is there any other actor in Washington's Iraq-war drama from Harry Reid to the Joint Chiefs who could have made such a substitution Anyone who not only knows Iraq the way Petraeus does, but feels it in all its gravity and complexity?

When asked about Shiite militia domination of southern Iraq, Petraeus patiently went through the four provinces, one by one, displaying a degree of knowledge of the local players, terrain, and balance of power that no one in Washington and few in Iraq could match.

When Biden thought he had a gotcha contradictions between Petraeus's report on Iraqi violence and the less favorable one by the Government Accountability Office Petraeus calmly pointed out that the GAO had to cut its data-gathering five weeks short to meet reporting requirements to Congress. And since those most recent five weeks had been particularly productive for the coalition, the GAO numbers were not only outdated but misleading.

For all the attempts by Democrats and the antiwar movement to discredit Petraeus, he won the congressional confrontation hands down. He demonstrated enough military progress from his new counterinsurgency strategy to conclude: I believe we have a realistic chance of achieving our objectives in Iraq.

The American people are not antiwar. They are anti-losing. Which means they are also anti-drift. Adrift is where we were during most of 2006 the annus horribilis initiated by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi?s bringing down the Golden Mosque in Samarra until the new counterinsurgency strategy of 2007 (the surge) reversed the trajectory of the war.

It was being lost both in Iraq and at home. On the home front, Petraeus deftly deflated the rush to withdrawal that appeared poised to acquire irresistible momentum this summer. First, by demonstrating real and irrefutable territorial gains on the ground. And second, by proposing minor immediate withdrawals to be followed by fully liquidating the surge by next summer. Those withdrawals should be enough to hold the wobbly Republican senators. And perhaps even more important, the Pentagon brass.

The service chiefs no longer fight wars. That's now left to theater commanders such as Petraeus. The chiefs job is to raise armies to recruit, train, equip and manage. Petraeus's job is to use their armies to win wars. The chiefs are quite reasonably concerned about the enormous strain put on their worldwide forces by the tempo of operations in Iraq. Petraeus's withdrawal recommendations have prevented a revolt of the generals.

Petraeus's achievement is no sleight of hand. If he had not produced real demonstrable progress on the ground reported by many independent observers, including liberal Democrats, even before he came back home (i.e., the U.S.) his appearance before Congress would have swayed no one.

His testimony, steady, and forthright, bought him the time to achieve his realistic chance of success. Not the unified democratic Iraq we had hoped for the day Saddam's statue came down, but a radically decentralized Iraq with enough regional autonomy and self-sufficiency to produce a tolerable stalemated coexistence between contending forces.

That's for the longer term and still quite problematic. In the shorter term, however, there is a realistic chance of achieving a separate success that, within the context of Iraq, is of a second order but in the global context is of the highest order the defeat of al Qaeda in Iraq.

Having poisoned one country and been expelled from it (Afghanistan), al Qaeda seized upon post-Saddam instability to establish itself in the very heart of the Arab Middle East Sunni Iraq. Yet now, in front of all the world, Iraq's Sunnis are, to use the biblical phrase, vomiting out al Qaeda. This is a defeat and humiliation in the extremean Arab Muslim population rejecting al Qaeda so violently that it allies itself in battle with the infidel, the foreigner, the occupier.

Just carrying this battle to its successful conclusion independent of its larger effect of helping stabilize Iraq  is justification enough for the surge. The turning of Sunni Iraq against al Qaeda is a signal event in the war on terror. Petraeus's plan is to be allowed to see it through.

2007, The Washington Post Writers Group

http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=YWRiNjRjNGM5NzE1MDIyN2U1MjJlNTVkYjFkM2IzYTg=

 
« Last Edit: September 14, 2007, 06:41:48 PM by ChristiansUnited4LessGvt »
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sirs

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Re: Petraeus's Success
« Reply #1 on: September 14, 2007, 07:22:02 PM »
I think it's safe to assume, based on all the preliminary rhetoric coming out of the Dem side of congress, unless Patraeus formally and publically declared Iraq a disaster, that the surge was a failure, and that our soldiers should be withdrawn...yesterday, he was going to be portrayed as a liar, and a Bush lap dog.

And the same fella that got practically unanimous confirmation, is now being portrayed as just that.  Apparently Democrat Congress critters in DC, behind their big oak desks, know what's going on far better than the commander of the forces, on the ground, & in the region.

It must be pretty cool for so many Dems to be so omnipotent     :-\
« Last Edit: September 14, 2007, 07:26:51 PM by sirs »
"The worst form of inequality is to try to make unequal things equal." -- Aristotle

Amianthus

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Re: Petraeus's Success
« Reply #2 on: September 14, 2007, 08:41:50 PM »
And the same fella that got practically unanimous confirmation

It wasn't "practically unanimous"; it was unanimous.

It must be pretty cool for so many Dems to be so omnipotent     :-\

I think you mean omniscient.
Do not anticipate trouble, or worry about what may never happen. Keep in the sunlight. (Benjamin Franklin)

sirs

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Re: Petraeus's Success
« Reply #3 on: September 14, 2007, 09:29:10 PM »
And the same fella that got practically unanimous confirmation

It wasn't "practically unanimous"; it was unanimous.

So, did Bush "fool" the Democrats, yet again?       ;)


It must be pretty cool for so many Dems to be so omnipotent     :-\

I think you mean omniscient.

Either works for me
"The worst form of inequality is to try to make unequal things equal." -- Aristotle

Michael Tee

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Re: Petraeus's Success
« Reply #4 on: September 14, 2007, 10:55:19 PM »
<<For all the attempts by Democrats and the antiwar movement to discredit Petraeus, he won the congressional confrontation hands down. He demonstrated enough military progress from his new counterinsurgency strategy to conclude: I believe we have a realistic chance of achieving our objectives in Iraq.>>

I'm not surprised.  Did anyone see Jon Stewart's tapes of Barbara Boxer using her allotted 7 minutes "question time" by schmoozing with Petraeus about the first time they met, meandering all over memory lane and generally engaging in some weird kind of stream-of-consciousness blather, finishing the seven minutes without asking a single question?

Petraeus skated because the Dems have no balls.  They are disgusting.  I hope they lose the next election and I hope the country gets another 4 years of Republican misrule.  There is no country more deserving.

sirs

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Re: Petraeus's Success
« Reply #5 on: September 15, 2007, 03:53:51 AM »
Just the Facts
Gen. Petraeus brings some clarity to the Iraq debate.

Friday, September 14, 2007


We are at a new point in the American experience of the Iraq war. It is also a decisive one: We have to decide, now, what to do. Stay. Go. Stay in a certain way, or at a certain size. But the mood of the moment, the mood of many Americans, is at odds with one of the demands of decision making.

Big decisions require a certain spirit, a certain do or die--the faith and wildness to roll the dice, throw 'em, watch and roll again. That's gambling, of course, not decision making, but many big decisions are to some degree a gamble. Our president must think this, for he so often doubles down. The Decider is The Gambler.

I was thinking this week about how the mood now, among normal people and political figures, is so different from the great burst of feeling that marked the early days of the war--the 17 days to Baghdad, the unstoppable Third Infantry Division, the dictator's statue falling. The relief that Saddam didn't use poison gas, as he had against the Kurds, that he collapsed like an old suitcase and got himself out of Dodge. There was a lot of tenderness to those days, too--the first tears at the loss of troops, the deaths of David Bloom and Michael Kelly. Still, the war seemed all triumph, a terrible swift answer to what had been done to us on 9/11.

Then occupation, the long slog, the beginning of bitterness. They thought they could do a war on the cheap? They thought shock and awe would stun ancient enmity into amity? And the puzzlements. Sometimes you looked at the war and wondered, Is Washington's plan here that good luck began this endeavor and good luck will continue? But how can you lean so much on luck! At this point, about 18 months ago, Americans started thinking, It's strange to assume good news. Bad news happens. Those guys in Washington must never have faced a foreclosure.

The American people are not impatient, but they are practical. They have a sense of justice and duty to which appeals can be addressed; they will change themselves to better themselves; and they are very proud of their country. But they have sacrificed in Iraq. And they didn't do it to make it worse. It's not that the U.S. hasn't won quickly. It's that the people of the U.S. can't see a path to winning.

And so last week spirits on all sides and among all sorts of players were relatively low, and statements seemed less like a debate than a sigh. But great nations can't sit around sighing, and all of us know this.

At the end of last week it seemed we know the immediate future--the administration will get what it asked for, more time--but have no greater sense of long-term outcomes.

In a way, David Petraeus won the day when MoveOn.org came forth with its famous "General Petraeus or General Betray Us?" ad. They shot themselves in the foot and deserve to be known by their limp. Republicans enacted fury (Thank you, O political gods, for showing the low nature of our foes!), and Democrats felt it (Embarrassed again by the loons!). No one--no normal American--thinks a U.S. Army four-star came back from Iraq to damage our democracy by telling lies.

Gen. Petraeus's testimony was dry, full of data points and graphs. He gave the impression that everything he said was, to the best of his considerable knowledge, true. One sensed that like good witnesses everywhere, he was not saying everything he thought.

He was earnest, unflappable, and low-key to the point of colorless. Maybe he figures things are colorful enough. I felt relief that he was not wearing his heart on his sleeve or talking about our guys and gals. It was very Joe Friday: Just the facts, ma'am.

He clearly had a point of view, and it was, not surprisingly, in line with the administration's. But I think the appearance of independence and straight dealing that was necessary to his credibility was lessened by the White House's attempts to associate itself with him in the weeks leading up to his appearance.

The level of sophistication and seriousness shown by Sens. Barack Obama, Joe Biden, John McCain and Chris Dodd was equal to the moment, and seemed to me patriotic. They were probing, occasionally strict, always respectful. At one point Gen. Petraeus was asked by Sen. John Warner if Iraq has made America safer and said, "Sir, I don't know actually. I have not sat down and sorted in my own mind." Later, invited to expand on this by Sen. Evan Bayh, said he'd been surprised by Mr. Warner's question and added that "we have very, very clear, very serious national interests" in Iraq.

That of course is the great question. History will answer it.

An unspoken part of the larger story is that Gen. Petraeus backed up the argument that our troops have been stretched painfully thin, and the postsurge presence cannot, practically, be maintained. Thus a seeming illogic in the general's presentation: For the first time in years we're making progress, therefore we should reduce troop levels to the same point at which we made no progress.

In seeming to stand pat and at the same time lower temperatures by bowing to public pressure and reducing troop levels, the administration has made a virtue of necessity. This was not unshrewd.

As for the president's speech on Thursday night, it managed to seem both wooden and manipulative, which is a feat. For days conservative commentators had warned that the president should leave the week where it was, and not put on it his distinctive stamp. They were right. He said "the character of our people" is being revealed as we choose whether to back the Iraq endeavor. He said he would "explain" recent events there. He said the mission "will evolve." It will. It has.

One felt at the end of the week that Iraq will continue as a long and ongoing story, that it is unlikely that we will find a perfect moment to leave, that it will always be too soon, the situation too delicate. It will always seem a place perched on a precipice over a canyon.

One sensed too that Iraq will in fact be issue No. 1 to be faced by the next president, whoever he or she is. That individual, in January 2009, will likely be faced by mischief makers of all stripes throughout the capital, with a question that is an artificial construct. "Did he see the mission through?" Or "Did he lose Iraq?" The latter would be most unjust, because we never had Iraq. We haven't found it, in spite of our best efforts, because the people of Iraq never found it. And it was their nation to find. This seemed clearer than ever this week, which was part of the reason for the sighing.


"very serious national interests"
"The worst form of inequality is to try to make unequal things equal." -- Aristotle