Honestly, your efforts to avoid the factual allegations of the Vanity Fair article are becoming ever more bizarre.
They are either "factual" - and hence evidence - or "allegations" - and hence theories. In reality, they are "allegations" which have, subsequently, proven to be non-factual. Plane asked for evidence, not allegations.
I'll tackle the two you brought up:
He was defrauded by cops, by the state government's "felon removal" program sub-contracted out to a Republican corporation which operated basically as a "Democrat removal" program when it came to purging the voter registration rolls - - the "errors" they made in removing qualified voters were overwhelmingly against what the corporation believed were Democrats, and that was obvious in that "errors" usually involved misidentified Blacks, rather than misidentified Hispanics, because the corporation figured on average the Hispanics would vote Republican anyway, the blacks would not.
The felon removal program was contracted out by Lawton Chiles, a Democrat. Why a Democrat would setup a "Democrat removal" program is something you'll have to explain. The company selected was selected not because they were "Republican controlled" but because they setup the national crimes database that the FBI uses and therefore had access to a fairly complete national crime database. Because of problems with Florida's ability to provide good identification associated with voter records, the company themselves indicated that the lists would likely have many inaccuracies. The state officials (again, under a Democrat as governor) stated that they didn't care if the list was incorrect:
From the beginning, Database Technologies raised serious concerns that non-felons could be misidentified. Florida does not regularly record Social Security numbers in its records, so its felons were identified by name and date of birth, including close but not exact matches.
That's how the state intended the plan to work.
"Obviously, we want to capture more names that possibly aren't matches and let the [county elections] supervisors make a final determination rather than exclude certain matches altogether," said Emmett "Bucky" Mitchell, who headed the state purge effort, in a March 1999 e-mail to Database Technologies product manager Marlene Thorogood, who had warned him of possible mistakes.
...
Many Florida legislators have criticized Database Technologies for accepting $4 million for what they consider shoddy work. But company officials insist the state caused the problem.
"We warned them," said James E. Lee, vice president of communications for the company. The list "was exactly what the state wanted. They said, 'The counties will verify the information, so you don't have to.' "
Botched Name Purge Denied Some the Right to VoteIn short, the election commissions had little if anything to do with the fraud, which was accomplished through a purge of the voter rolls and a "coincidentally scheduled" state police (boss: Jeb Bush) order to check for illegally driven or registered vehicles by random stops on . . . on . . . on . . . You got it! On the very day of the election!!! Fantastic coincidence, nothing at all to do with black voter intimidation and suppression, hell no, just a pure coincidence. How were that state police to know that an election would be held on that very day?
There was no state level order to perform random traffic stops. There were two locations that had reports of traffic stops, and both of these were investigated. From the Dept. of Justice investigation:
1. Allegations of Police Roadblocks in the Tallahassee Area Intended to Intimidate Minority Voters
The Voting Section received a complaint on Election Day that the Florida State Police had set up a traffic checkpoint near a polling place in or near a predominantly black neighborhood outside Tallahassee, Florida. Our investigation, which included contact with the Florida Attorney General's Office on Election Day, showed that the police had not received the usual supervisory approval for the checkpoint, but that such checkpoints were not unusual in the area. The Voting Section also learned that (a) the checkpoint existed for about 3 hours; (b) the checkpoint was in fact several miles from the nearest polling place; (c) a higher number of white motorists were stopped than African-American motorists; and (d) interviews with minority drivers indicated that the motorists themselves considered the checkpoint routine, that the police had been cordial, and that minority drivers proceeded to vote without incident. Based on this information we concluded there was no evidence of a violation of the Voting Rights Act and decided not to pursue the matter further.
...
5. Allegations of Police Intimidation of Minority Voters in the Tampa Area
Following Election Day, the Voting Section received allegations that local law enforcement officials in Hillsborough County, Florida, had attempted to deter voter turnout in Progress Village, a small, predominantly African-American residential subdivision about 15 miles east of Tampa. Specifically, the NAACP National Voter Project alleged that Hillsborough County Sheriff?s patrol cars had blocked access to the Progress Village polling place throughout the day, and that sheriff?s office personnel had intimidated at least one African-American voter.
The Voting Section investigated these allegations, including two trips to Tampa to interview approximately fifteen witnesses. No witnesses could attest to having seen any law enforcement officer block voter access to the Progress Village polling place, or otherwise intimidate voters or deter their participation. The only Election Day police activity career voting staff could document near this polling place was an unrelated mid-afternoon burglary call on the same street as the polling place, two blocks away, to which two cruisers responded. Because no evidence of voter intimidation or discrimination was discovered, the investigation was closed.
DOJ Investigations into Florida
