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Topics - Stray Pooch

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76
3DHS / Stick up for America - Boycott Chinese Stuff!
« on: October 19, 2007, 11:30:17 PM »
Have you noticed those guys over in Red China (yeah, that's right, I called 'em Red China. Deal.) but anyway didja notice they have gotten awfully nervy lately?  I mean, it's been a few years since they did that bump and run on our spy plane and had the nerve to get offended by out teeny, tiny little embassy bombing.  But things happen.  I mean, by cold war standards those were just love taps.  But lately, they have just been getting outta control!  First they were poisoning our pets, then our toothpaste, and lately pretty much everything our kids touch!  And they've been strutting around the world stage acting like they are some kind of budding superpower.  Pah.  Just because they have a few nukes and can shoot down a satellite or two doesn't mean they are technology-savvy.  We all know who the leader in electronic technology is in the world.  But enough about Japan . . .

Now the Chinese are getting all bent out of shape because we have given a medal to the Dali Lama.   What, are they upset that it didn't have enough lead in it?  Here we have a peaceful, elderly, soft-spoken man without a country from a pacificst religion and they consider him a threat.  Yet they are perfectly happy letting the warlike, loud-mouthed President of a terrorist nation who thinks he has Allah's personal permission to kill everybody that doesn't think like him have nuclear weapons.  Confucius say: "Man who embrace tiger on outside end up on inside."  If he were alive today, he would probably say "These Chinese CLAZY!"  

But leaving gratuitous racial stereotyping and irreverence towards ancient wise men aside, I've had it!  It's time we started fighting back in the time-honored American way.  Let's boycott the Chinese!

First, I'm not going to eat at anymore Chinese restaurants!  No more Sesame Chicken, no more General Tso's Chicken, no more Sweet and Sour Chicken, no more Orange Chicken, no more - wait a minute.  Has anyone noticed that the Chinese don't eat anything but chicken? - Sounds like that oughta be French food.  But no more of it.  And from now on the only Rice I'm interested in is Condoleeza!  

But on the other hand, why should we penalize the good Chinese-American people who make a living here?  I mean, who's gonna drop all of those eggs into our soup and do our laundry?   No, there has to be a better way.  

HA!  I've got it!  We'll devastate the Red Menace by CHANGING THE NAMES OF THEIR PRODUCTS!  After all, look how badly it affected the French!

So from now on, we'll give good, American patriotic titles to previously Communistic products.  Anyone care for a game of Freedom Checkers?  How about a nice helping of General Petraeus's Chicken? You can make it fancy by serving it on your finest America.   Hey, next time you stop at a traffic light, what say you have a Liberty Fire Drill?  Perhaps little girls can collect nice little Democracy Dolls!  

Get with the program, people!  Stand up for freedom, democracy and the White and Blue  (Can't include the Red, now can we?)

You say I'm going too far?  You say this is just meaningless posturing?  Well I say you're a dirty commie sympathizer.  You wanna  know what happens to commie sympathizers, huh?  No?  Wanna guess?  Huh?  No?  They lose there noses!

Forget it, Jake.  It's Freedomtown!




77
3DHS / Pooch Cruise
« on: June 18, 2007, 06:17:02 PM »
Just a few shots from our 30th Anniversary Cruise.  I'll add more later.

Enjoy!  (We sure did!)

http://www.geocities.com/straypooch/RichandValCruise.html

78
3DHS / The founders' ACTUAL intent
« on: April 08, 2007, 09:40:18 AM »
This is a reply to Lanya's post about the founder's intent.  It became so long (yep, folks, it's another patented Pooch pontification!) that I decided it might be better as its own thread.

Here are three historical realities:

1)  The intent of the first amendment and of Article VI was to increase religious freedom - not limit it. 

2)  The "wall of separation" as it was described by Jefferson was intended to be between church and state - not between religion and the public.

3)  The first amendment and Article VI were intended to apply only to the federal governments -not to the states.

A simple understanding of history up to the late eighteenth century clarifies the intent of the first amendment (and Article VI which states that no religious test shall be applied to public office holders).  The founding of the United States Constitution was not - in spite of popular belief - the creation of a brand new society.  It was in fact, largely a continuance of British society with revolutionary refinements.  Like eighteenth century Great Britain, the United States federal government is based on a bicameral legislation and a strong, but limited, executive power.  Like Great Britain, the legal system is based on common law rather than civil law.  Refinements concerned such things as legislative election of the executive rather than hereditary accession.  (Popular election is, as most on this site know, not part of the Constitution.)  Checks and balances were built into the Constitution to keep one branch from dominating either of the other or to keep the people of one state from controlling the people of another. Ultimately, the US Constitution was designed to balance the power of the states against the power of the federal government, in order to ultimately protect the power of the people.  This is what is known as the great compromise. 

Since Henry VIII got the hots for Anne Boleyn the question of establishment had been the cause of massive bloodshed throughout Europe, and in Great Britain in particular.  Catherine of Aragon was deposed, Anne was eventually beheaded, Sir Thomas Moore and many other lost their lives over the Act of Supremacy.  Mary Tudor (aka Bloody Mary) murdered and persecuted protestants. Philip of Spain launched the ill-fated armada against Elizabeth,  The Pope made it legal to kill her.  Scottish Lords murdered a Papal envoy to Mary Stuart (Queen of Scots) and imprisoned their own queen.  Elizabeth beheaded Mary and persecuted many Catholics.  Cromwell ultimately deposed the monarchy altogether, and after it was restored William and Mary deposed James II,  All of these things occurred over the issue of established religion.  Of course the underlying political causes were frequently the real reasons behind these things, but the issue of religion is largely what drove the bloodshed and rallied one part of the population against another.

One of the great things about Elizabeth as a monarch was that she tried - when fear of Catholic plots was not used by her advisors such as Walsingham and the like to persuadel her - to allow religious tolerance in her realm.  She very nearly lost her life to Mary Tudor, and was loathe to persecute other over matters of conscience.  She was also practical enough to recognize the real danger of civil war over the issue.  She resisted the execution of Mary Stuart to the last, and only relented when she was convinced Mary's life was a threat to her own.  In her realm, at least theoretically, a person could openly practice their faith, irrespective of what that faith was, without fear of persecution.  There was, it must be noted, an established faith.  But other sects, notably Catholicism, were not (again theoretically) persecuted.  The caveat here, of course, is that non-Christian religions were generally not tolerated. It was far too early in the course of religious strife to recognize other faiths.as equals.

The men who debated and refined the Constitution had these events and attitudes as their immediate heritage.  With that as a backdrop, they faced a daunting task - uniting peoples of different backgrounds, interests and values in a common cause.  It was unprecedented in history.  Among the many concerns that needed to be addressed, foremost was that of matters of conscience.  The founders of America had behind them a history of centuries of sectarian bloodshed.  A large part of the heritage of the former colonies was the migration to the new world of persecuted religious groups.  Eighteenth century America was also influenced, as was Europe, by the enlightenment.  So there were conflicting ideals - religious and otherwise - inherent in the establishment of a new national government.  These conflicts lead to the great compromise in general.  In particular, they lead to an understanding that the establishment of religion or the application of religious tests at the federal level were counter to the tolerance of religion.  They wished to unite Catholic and Protestant, as well as others who may hold less traditional views, in one whole.  But they did not intend to bury religious expression, nor did they intend to apply the doctrines of the first amendment and Article VI to the individual state governments.  It was understood, in fact it was a matter of strong contention, that the rights of the states to self-government were not to be effaced by the federal constitution.  Without that understanding, the Constitution would never have been ratified. 
 
Since the civil war, the advocates of a powerful central government have all but eradicated the great compromise.  The protections against federal abuses were ignored by Lincoln and drastically weakened by the fourteenth amendment.  (As the electoral system is eroded the great compromise will be destroyed entirely, and the rights of the individual states to self-government will be completely effaced.)  The specific intent of the fourteenth amendment was to alter the relationship between the federal government and the individual states.  It was justified by the rebellion and aimed at the south, but its effect was universal.  The subsequent rise of the judicial branch and the evolution of the body of case law supporting a strong federal government over the power of the states has led to an America that would not be recognized by its founders.  As Andrew Jackson negated the authority of the Judicial branch in the Cherokee decision, Lincoln negated the power of the states with the prosecution of a civil war and his predecessors with the fourteenth amendment.  The end result was that the fight to preserve the union ultimately replaced the union with a hegemony.

What all of this history has led to is a society today that, ignorant of history, claims on the one hand that we are a Christian nation (we are not) and on the other hand that our founders intended to keep religion out of public life  (they didn't).  The fact is, it was never the intent of the founders that people not be allowed to wear crosses, say prayers at school, display manger scenes in a public park or express a love for Jesus Christ while serving in public office.  It was, rather, the intent that nobody be forced to do such things.  Allowing voluntary school prayer is not requiring it.  Allowing a President to invoke the name of Jesus Christ in public discourse is not requiring it.  Allowing the display of a manger scene in a city park, or the display of the ten commandments in a courtroom is not requiring it.  But those who view the role of government as one of protection insist that they should not be "forced" to be exposed to religious expression.  The familiar argument is "Freedom of religion means freedom FROM religion."  That is nonsense.  I have the freedom to speak English, but that does not mean I have a reasonable expectation not to hear someone else speaking Spanish.  I have the freedom choose my political party, but that does not mean I can insist no government entity post a political banner endorsing a rival party.  I have the right to practice my own sexual morals, but that does not mean I have the right to prohibit a school from posting a gay rights poster in the halls.  Yet the same forces who think it is perfectly acceptable to post something I find very objectionable would fight against my right to post a religious poster on a school wall.  Why?

The reason is that those who object to religious expression wrongly place it in a "special" category.  They incorrectly assume that religion was singled out in the first amendment as particularly dangerous.  It wasn't.  It was one of five basic means of expression for which people had been historically persecuted - all covered under the first amendment.  What that amendment assured was that the rights to speak, publish, peaceably assemble, worship and petition the government without fear of retribution would not be effaced.  These things were intended to make people free not from religion or offensive speech, but rather from fear of oppression based on matters of conscience.  So it was intended that the federal government not be given authority to restrict expression in these areas.  (The states were not held by these standards until the fourteenth amendment and subsequent court decisions.)  But in either case, there was never an intent that people be protected FROM these expressions.  One cannot simultaneously protect the right to free expression and protect others from exposure to that expression. 

Finally,Article VI protects potential officeholders from being required to believe in a particular sect or a particular doctrine in order to hold office.  This is directly linked to establishment.  But again, it does not prohibit an officeholder from having - or expressing - a particular religious view.  The President can - as many have - call upon Americans to ask for God's blessing on the nation.  He may express his love for Jesus, or Buddha or Allah if he so desires.  Those, like Brass for example, who object to such expression misunderstand a basic tenet of America's value system.  A President has an equal right to express religious devotion - irrespective of sect - and to express complete disdain for religion.  It is no more wrong for a President to say "I encourage all Americans to pray to Jesus to help us in this crisis" than it is for him to say "I encourage all Americans to stop believing in this religious nonsense and recognize that the only answers we have must come from within ourselves."  He or she must live with the political consequences of such expressions, but there is nothing inherently wrong with either statement.  The President will never make a statement representative of all Americans, so he must not be prohibited from expressing himself honestly, any more than any other citizen.  While some may argue that religious expression from the National Executive may be construed by other nations as endorsement of a particular religion (and there is some validity to that) the reality is that most Americans are religious - and the vast majority of them are Christian.  For a national leader to ally himself with a particular faith is not a violation of the first amendment.  It is, in fact, an exercise thereof.

In the end, the extremes of both sides of this argument are wrong (as is usually the case).  The founders did not intend this to be a Christian nation but neither did they intend for it to be a religiously sterile nation.  The founder's intent was that religious freedom be preserved, and many encouraged the free nation to remain true to Christian ideals.  In the end, they gave us the tools to create a free society that allowed us to make it into whatever we chose.  That does not mean that they intended for us to choose unwisely.

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http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070407/ap_on_re_us/peace_house_woes

Crawford Peace House hit by strife

By ANGELA K. BROWN, Associated Press Writer

CRAWFORD, Texas - With allegations of money mismanagement, threats of court action and some members leaving, a group that has sponsored war protests in President Bush's adopted hometown has been anything but peaceful.

The Crawford Peace House recently lost its corporate charter with the state, and a former member who now has rights to the name is threatening legal action because the group continues operating.

Sara L. Oliver and some others are calling for a state investigation as to why only $14,700 is now in its bank account, saying tens of thousands donated during Cindy Sheehan's 2005 war protest are unaccounted for.

"There are people who have said, `Don't say anything because you'll hurt the peace movement,'" Oliver said. "But if the peace movement isn't pure and transparent and holy as it can be at its heart, then it's just like  George Bush: lying, thieving, conniving, backstabbing bastards."

John Wolf, who co-founded the Crawford Peace House in 2003 in a two-bedroom, one-bathroom white-clapboard house just across the railroad tracks from downtown, denied allegations of wrongdoing. He said the claims were by only a few people and would not hurt the work of the Crawford Peace House, which is planning a fourth anniversary celebration Sunday.

He said the Peace House has an accountant and has kept diligent records, which soon will be posted in its Web site. He said most of the $285,000 raised in 2005 was spent on food, van and bus rentals, gas and a large tent for the rallies at several events.

"All of this money was given to us to take care of people who came here, and that's what we did," Wolf said Friday. "If somebody has fantasies, I can't affect that."

The Crawford Peace House bank account had only $3 in early August 2005, but Sheehan's monthlong vigil in ditches off the road leading to Bush's ranch brought thousands of people and donations from across the country. Because the rural campsite was small, most protesters spent much of their time at the Peace House, which also became headquarters for Sheehan, whose son died in Iraq in 2004.

Wolf said he plans to turn in the franchise tax report next week — nearly a year late — to the Texas Comptroller's Office to regain the Peace House's corporate charter. The report was not filed sooner because the house's volunteer director was overwhelmed with other tasks and was confused about whether the paperwork had to be filed if no taxes were owed, he said.

Losing a corporate charter means the board members themselves are liable for any debts the entity might owe, the comptroller's office said.

Wolf said the Texas Secretary of State's Office made a mistake last month in allowing Oliver to file documents forming a nonprofit corporation called the Crawford Peace House.

Wolf said the Crawford Peace House that he co-founded still exists as an unincorporated entity, as well as a religious group, so Oliver is violating state statutes that prevent an organization from having the same or similar name as an existing one.

The Secretary of State's Office was closed Friday for the Easter holiday and no one could be reached for comment.

Wolf said the Peace House also was applying to become a 501(c)3 nonprofit organization.

Oliver, who said she left the group in 2005 after encountering hostility when she tried to help secure grants for it, said she doesn't want to form a counter group. But she said she would allow some current members to use the name, as long as the house director and leaders account for the money and resign.

Sandra Row, another former member, said up to 75 people have left the peace group over concerns about financial issues or hurt feelings. She said in the summer of 2005, she saw buckets of cash donations in the Peace House — some of which went to pay veterinarian bills for the cat living there. But some demonstrators who bought tents, lanterns and other supplies never got reimbursed, she said.

"You'll never know how much money there is because the cash is gone," Row said.

Wolf said he was not there every day but that the Peace House had receipts for all expenses.

Sheehan, whose name is listed on the 2005 franchise tax report as a Crawford Peace House board member, said Friday that she has never been consulted about its financial matters and knew nothing about the current situation.

Sheehan said the matter would not hurt the peace movement or the weekend's activities coinciding with Bush's weekend ranch visit.

About 50 protesters went to Sheehan's original campsite Friday afternoon and then marched about a mile down the winding, two-lane road to demonstrate in a ditch across from the roadblock set up when Bush is at his ranch.

"We do this to save other people's children, so they won't have to go through what we did," Sheehan said.




80
3DHS / The Nuclear Threat From China
« on: March 20, 2007, 07:08:21 AM »

By Mark Helprin
Sunday, March 4, 2007; Page B07

Before rejoicing over detente with Kim Jong Il, it might be useful to remember that although agreements were reached in the past, his countrymen later built a number of nuclear weapons and carried out a test. Also, North Korea, with a rich chemical and biological arsenal having long ago neutralized American tactical nuclear weapons on the Korean Peninsula, has embarked solely on a program of survival by extortion and will gladly forfeit a power it does not need in exchange for recognition and some essential commodities. The Asian nuclear power of which we must take account is not North Korea but China.

The forerunners of China's government were able to defeat Chiang Kai-shek, fight the United States to a draw in Korea and, merely by means of their country's looming potential, help defeat America in Vietnam. This they did in chaos, poverty and without modern arms, but with strategy bred in the bone. Since 1978, using their extraordinary and sustained economic and technical growth to build military capacity, the Chinese have deliberately modeled themselves on the Meiji (who rapidly transformed feudal Japan into an industrial state able to vanquish the Russian fleet at Tsushima).

In altering their position relative to that of the United States, the Chinese have received generous assistance from the past two American presidents, who have accomplished first a carefree diminution of our orders of battle and then the incompetent deployment of what was left, in a campaign analogous to losing a protracted struggle with Portugal. China advances and we decline because, among other things, its vision is disciplined and clear, while ours is burdened by fear, decadence and officials who understand neither Chinese grand strategy nor its nuclear component.

This has led the United States unwittingly to encourage China to move toward nuclear parity. In the next five years, as we reduce our arsenal from 10,000 strategic warheads to 1,700, China's MIRV'd silo-based missiles and imminent generations of MIRV'd mobile and sea-based ICBMs will easily allow a breakout from warhead numbers now variously estimated to range from 80 to 1,800.

Once, the vast imbalance (in 1987, 500:1) might have discouraged China from such augmentation, but no longer. Our reductions and their growth provide fewer targets for more missiles and will create the possibility and therefore the temptation, however remote, of a first strike. As we have cut the stable sea-based leg of our nuclear deterrent from 37 ballistic missile submarines to 14, China works to build its own and a fleet that can provide protected bastions at sea as well as hunt down the small number of American boats on station.

Nuclear competition between mature and newly emerging powers is neither unprecedented nor unexpected, but the rule has always been that if nuclear potential exists it must be countered. Although we may no longer subscribe to this, China does. Aware that the United States planned to use nuclear weapons had China violated the Korean armistice, China would understandably seek nuclear balance, if not preponderance.

The danger lies not solely in quantitative instabilities but in potential nuclear strategies that technical evolution has elevated above Cold War paradigms. It is one thing for a few experts to foresee these strategies but quite another to obtain from a people no longer confident of its right to self-defense the political consensus, appropriations and authority to counter them. Consider just one scenario, highlighted by the recent successful test of China's anti-satellite weapon, part of a strategy to exploit technological asymmetries.

Given China's appetites and our alliances and interests, a war is not inconceivable in Taiwan, or in Korea. To remove American nuclear escalation from the equation, China would need not parity but only a deterrent such as it has long possessed. The Chinese, however, whose nuclear thresholds are dissimilar to ours, would have other options.

They know that every facet of America's economy, military and society depends on individual and networked electronic devices. Were these to fail all at once and irreparably, the nation would seize up, perhaps for years.

Faced with victory, or with loss, they might choose to -- and who would venture to guarantee that they would not? -- detonate half a dozen high-megatonnage nuclear charges in the mesosphere, in an electro-magnetic pulse (EMP) strike perhaps not even in American airspace, cooking almost every circuit and semiconductor, rendering the American government blind, deaf and dumber than it is already and the country unable to resist the inroads that would surely follow.

Though we would undoubtedly respond in kind, China is not as technically dependent as are we. Nor, given China's sufficiency for a counterstrike, could we deter an EMP attack with the prospect of massive retaliation, especially because an EMP strike, with no immediate casualties, would seem as peaceful as snow in still air.

The trick in nuclear strategy is to maintain stability by balancing potentials and thus to discourage events from converting the hypothetical to the actual. Required in this case -- only one of many -- is the electronic hardening, redundancy and redesign of essential systems and networks; and missile defense, which would not only close the first-strike window by shielding our second-strike capacity from destruction but protect against an EMP strike directly and dissuade China in the first place by making its deterrent less certain.

Were we to proceed along these lines, we could diminish the chances that China might in the not-so-distant future be tempted to win a nuclear war without fighting a nuclear war. But given that we have ignored explicit warnings of the congressionally chartered EMP commission, what are the chances that we will act on an opinion we dare not even form? In regard to war and the sometimes counterintuitive actions for avoiding it, we are no longer either confident or clearsighted. What a pity to have come so far to find that our rivals and enemies all over the world can run rings around us because half of our politicians have lost their intelligence and the other half have lost their nerve.

Mark Helprin, a novelist, is a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute and a distinguished visiting fellow at Hillsdale College. This article will also appear in the Claremont Review of Books.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/03/02/AR2007030201402.html

81
3DHS / Love the Warriior, Hate the War
« on: March 04, 2007, 05:32:51 PM »
http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/2980/

Love the Warrior, Hate the War
Why progressives have more in common with the military than they think


By Lorelei Kelly

When Army Col. Ike Wilson returned home in March 2004 from a 12 month deployment in Iraq, one thought remained with him: “Why such a deliberate plan to fight the war, but none to win the peace to follow?”

Wilson, a West Point professor with years of military planning experience, knew that placing this question at the the center of national security policy discussions was the only way to truly learn from Iraq and Afghanistan. He soon founded the Beyond War Project as a hub to educate both the military and the public about a new vision for war, peace and America’s role in the world. Thus far, he’s signed up participants ranging from Cornell University’s Peace Studies Program to the U.S. Air Force.

Wilson’s approach typifies today’s professional military education, which includes a breadth of topics that might surprise those more familiar with the liberal arts. In contrast to linear Cold War themes like strategic nuclear deterrence, military schools emphasize humanities subjects such as language, international cooperation and world culture. Such lessons arrived in these academic settings in the early part of the decade—though it took the terror attacks of 9/11 and two offensive U.S. military actions before elected leaders really paid attention to the dramatic shift from Cold War thinking.

Today, nearly every general that testifies before Congress claims that the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan do not have purely military solutions. This sea change means that many members of the military and progressives are philosophically much closer than either believes and they are both hurt by the lack of meaningful interaction. Understanding and aligning with the military around shared concerns could be a crucial new strategy for the left.

————————————-

I taught peace studies at Stanford University in California before moving to Washington in 1997 to work on Capitol Hill for Rep. Elizabeth Furse (D-Ore.). In 1995, Congress suffered a semi-lobotomy. The new conservative majority—under the guidance of Newt Gingrich’s Contract With America—cut many specialist staff and dismantled bipartisan educational organizations such as the Arms Control and Foreign Policy Caucus. My job was to establish an informal study group to educate staff on new national security issues.

As I set out to find important security initiatives to bring to Capitol Hill, I learned that most of the creative new government programs were in the military. I enrolled in classes—free to Hill staff—offered by the Air Command and Staff College and the National Defense University. I spent days at the Army War College, where the challenges of peace were on every conference agenda. While learning about topics ranging from peacekeeping to AIDS prevention, I came to know numerous military professionals eager to share knowledge about international problem solving—most based on recent experience.

Montgomery McFate is an anthropologist who advises the military on the value of cultural knowledge. She points out how warfighting now sits at the intersection of traditional military activity and what is known as “human security.”

“Technology is not the key to victory in Iraq or Afghanistan, where so much of our effort is focused on building infrastructure, increasing their ability to build a government, establishing the rule of law and promoting civil society,” says McFate. “U.S. forces need to understand the human terrain in which they are operating.”

In both Iraq and Afghanistan, good government is our exit strategy. And if there is a good news story about Iraq, it is that U.S. soldiers have already applied lessons learned from the peace operations in the ’90s. In Haiti, the Balkans and even in Somalia, the importance of culturally sensitive conflict resolution was learned.

Good government is also a preventive strategy. As a whole, post-9/11 security threats are broad and inclusive, and require a variety of approaches—military, political, social and economic. Because so much of the institutional memory of post-Cold War security policy resides in the Defense Department, whoever figures out a way to engage and to learn from our military’s experiences will have a wealth of policy ideas for moving forward.

————————————-

Successful “branding” by conservatives has made liberals seem weak on national security. It has also created a lowest common denominator political discourse—especially the defense budget. The vast majority of members vote for defense bills that continue to fund a Cold War national security apparatus. The absence of a loyal opposition and real debate about national security has led us to where we are today: The U.S. military finds itself in a situation that it would have never gotten into on its own.

November’s vote provides a timely opening to begin this conversation. With a new Democratic majority in Congress and the departure of Donald Rumsfeld, liberals must see past their anger over Iraq and grab the opportunity to learn from an unaccustomed source. Building relationships with military professionals will pay huge policy dividends when the time comes to pursue fundamental change on national security priorities.

The cost of the war has now passed half a trillion dollars—on top of a $400 billion plus defense budget. A more rational budget will soon become imperative, and progressives can be in the vanguard instead of on the margin by including real military needs in their list of spending priorities before diverting the conversation back to domestic issues. They can also consistently de-link defense spending from war spending—after Iraq, the Army will need to be rebuilt after its experience in Iraq. The rise of a cohort of military advocates from the left would mark an important change: Confident progressive voices joining the debate over the appropriate mission of American armed forces.

Such allies are needed: Despite their ability to wield tremendous physical force, the military is vulnerable when it comes to protecting itself in the domestic policy process. The armed services’ professional ethic forbids interference in political decision-making. Hence their fate is often influenced most by those poised to gain in the short-term, either financially or politically, and who encounter no similar professional barriers —i.e., defense industry lobbyists, members of Congress and an executive branch obsessed by domestic politics.

This strategy is not unrealistic. Today’s antiwar movement is leagues more sophisticated than the one that ended the Vietnam war. Today’s liberal activist has learned how to be anti-war without being anti-warrior.

What’s more, liberal philosophy shares many values with the military: looking after the general welfare, shared risk, sacrifice for common goals and long-term planning. Liberals value public service, and the military is our largest public institution. We also share many other areas of concern:

International human rights law: U.S. military lawyers are human rights champions for Guantánamo prisoners and for the Geneva Conventions.
International treaties: The U.S. Navy is one of the strongest advocates for the Law of the Sea.
Nuclear arms control: The military generally finds nuclear weapons unusable.
Conflict resolution: The Air Force has a prize-winning office of dispute resolution.
Renewable energy: The U.S. military is the largest energy consumer in the country.
AIDS prevention: The Defense Department has an extensive program to help foreign militaries.
Yet, Congress continues to drain billions from budget coffers to pay for Cold War programs like nuclear weapons and missile defense. The immediate military needs are more obvious: low-tech items like body armor, and human resource skills like language education.

————————————-

The American military’s changing worldview has resulted in a sustained identity conflict within the institution. This tension will likely continue until younger generations move into leadership, entertaining very different notions of national security than those who came before them.

For younger officers, the idea that power is not dominance, but the ability to influence change, is a lesson learned from recent experience. One Marine Corps friend recently told me that while on a mission in East Timor, his bag of MREs (meals ready to eat) was usually more helpful than his ammo belt, because he could make friends by handing them out to hungry locals. Contrast this experience with the linear, engineering mindset of the Cold War—where a rigid worldview fit nicely with hardware-heavy solutions. Low-tech is our future.

Frank G. Hoffman, a strategist for the Marine Corps Warfighting Lab in Quantico, Va., organized a gathering on Irregular Warfare in the summer of 2005 to expose military thinkers to the theories of social science and a more comprehensive view of intervention. “Without an appreciation for these skill sets and disciplines,” Hoffman says, “future military operations are doomed to failure.”

In November 2005, the Office of the Secretary of Defense released Directive 3000.5—an official document that elevated post-conflict reconstruction and support of civil society to a par with combat as a military priority. It remains to be seen whether or not this directive will be fully implemented. Yet it demonstrates that the institutional memory of the Defense Department is changing. Mid-level officers—whose formative military experiences were post-Cold War and whose assignments required a refresher of both counterinsurgency and sociology—are making their presence felt.

Citizens’ legitimate fears about terrorism make security a gateway issue—a threshold that must be satisfied before any other priorities can be addressed. For liberals, appreciating the military and its evolving worldview just might provide the first step through this threshold. Hearing what the military has to say could give liberals a reality-tested idea around which to unify: that our left-over Cold War belief in dominance alone is obsolete and that we need new, far-reaching alternatives. The five military veterans joining the Democratic majority in the 110th Congress will facilitate this transition, as they speak with irreproachable first-hand knowledge.

It’s time to be pro-military for all the right reasons. At dinner tables, public libraries, classrooms and city halls across America, let us listen to our warriors as they return. They will tell a story of change—one that Americans across the political spectrum need to hear.

Lorelei Kelly is the director of the Real Security Initiative at the White House Project. She also blogs at TheHuffingtonPost.com.

82
3DHS / Betcha your workplace isn't this bad.
« on: March 04, 2007, 05:00:45 PM »
Two months ago my wife got her boss fired for threatening her - after almost five years of working with him on the edge.  He was once actually taken out of the office in handcuffs for beating up his teenaged daughter.  My wife is known well up the chain of command in her company as a superstar.  So after all of these years, when he made a threat in front of witnesses, he was gone.  It got ugly enough that they got a court order barring him from coming near the place.

Now a little over a year ago a man walked into a rival company situated four doors down in the same complex and shot two of the workers to death.  Several of the workers in that office ran into my wife's office.  We were actually prevented from entering the grounds when we go there.  But her boss and a driver coworker who had previously worked at the rival company watched the police drag the boidies past their door as they tried to subdue the suspect.  (He shot himself to death.)

When my wife's boss was fired, a new guy came on from one of their stores in another part of the state.  In return, the sales rep from Val's office was sent to that store.  It was nice, because she was NOT fitting in well with the other workers at Val's office.  The new manager seemed pretty cool.  So everyone was getting a clean slate and a fresh start.

Well Last Friday (Feb 23) the sales rep lost her job at the other store.  She just couldn't cut it there either.  Not so good.

On Monday, the new manager gathered the office together and informed them that the Sales Rep had broken into her ex-husband's house over the weekend, broken into his gun cabinet and killed herself.  Her 12 YO daughter was the first to find the body. 

On Wednesday a patient with mental problems who had been stalking the driver who used to belong to the rival company (are ya following this?) actually chased her down the interstate and ended up getting chased down and arrested by the cops.  He was charged with DUI and diriving on a revoked license.  The stalking charges are pending.

And to top it off, the new manager suddenly got into some kind of insanity attack (possibly prompted by dealing with a coworker's suicide and a stalker after another of his employees) and started channeling the spirit of the previous boss for no apparent reason.  The office has been a nightmare.  Everyone has been scared to cross the boss, scared of the ex-boss going nuts on them. scared of the stalker walking in and shooting them and scared of losing their jobs!! 

Fortunately, on Friday the boss apologized and things got a little less tense, but my wife is polishing her resume.  It's a crazy world.

83
3DHS / Tribe revokes freed slaves' membership
« on: March 04, 2007, 08:59:12 AM »
OKLAHOMA CITY - Cherokee Nation members voted Saturday to revoke the tribal citizenship of an estimated 2,800 descendants of the people the Cherokee once owned as slaves

With all 32 precincts reporting, 76.6 percent had voted in favor of an amendment to the tribal constitution that would limit citizenship to descendants of "by blood" tribe members as listed on the federal Dawes Commission's rolls from more than 100 years ago.

The commission, set up by a Congress bent on breaking up Indians' collective lands and parceling them out to tribal citizens, drew up two rolls, one listing Cherokees by blood and the other listing freedmen, a roll of blacks regardless of whether they had Indian blood.

Some opponents of the ballot question argued that attempts to remove freedmen from the tribe were motivated by racism.

"I'm very disappointed that people bought into a lot of rhetoric and falsehoods by tribal leaders," said Marilyn Vann, president of the Oklahoma City-based Descendants of Freedmen of Five Civilized Tribes.

Tribal officials said the vote was a matter of self-determination.

"The Cherokee people exercised the most basic democratic right, the right to vote," tribal Principal Chief Chad Smith said. "Their voice is clear as to who should be citizens of the Cherokee Nation. No one else has the right to make that determination.'

Smith said turnout — more than 8,700 — was higher than turnout for the tribal vote on the Cherokee Nation constitution four years ago.

"On lots of issues, when they go to identity, they become things that people pay attention to," Smith said.

The petition drive for the ballot measure followed a March 2006 ruling by the Cherokee Nation Supreme Court that said an 1866 treaty assured freedmen descendants of tribal citizenship. Since then, more than 2,000 freedmen descendants have enrolled as citizens of the tribe.

Court challenges by freedmen descendants seeking to stop the election were denied, but a federal judge left open the possibility that the case could be refiled if Cherokees voted to lift their membership rights.

Tribal spokesman Mike Miller said the period to protest the election lasts until March 12 and Cherokee courts are the proper venue for a challenge.

Vann promised a protest within the next week. "We don't accept this fraudulent election," Vann said.


http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070304/ap_on_re_us/cherokees_freedmen_vote

84
3DHS / Allen should 'fess up and be done with it.
« on: September 28, 2006, 05:06:20 PM »
Hi everyone!  Nice new format.  I can't spend as much time as I used to (by far) but I thought I'd drop in and toss up this tidbit.

OK, so for those who may not know me, I'm a Republican, but I am not a wingnut.  I live here in the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia and we are dealing with Senator Allen's "macaca" comment and now the accusations about use of the "N" word back in his younger days.  Now let me make this clear:  I don't buy for a moment that these accusations are anything but an attempt to unseat a Republican in a red state.  I was talking to our local Dem party worker and he told me that negative campaigning was perfectly OK.  It's not his party's job to try to make our candidate look good.  Spoken like a true Clintonite.  Of course, Repubs are just as guilty of negative campagining and some around here may recall that as the reason I voted Dem last governor's race.

But having said all that, and in spite of the motivation behind the accusations, I'd bet my bippie (age alert!) that the Senator said it.  Come on, is it really a surprise that a southern boy used non-PC terms to describe those of African descent in his youth?  The Dems next door (West VA) have a full-fledged KKK boy in their Senate seat. And they get a whole lotta pork out of that particular barrel.  If Allen is using the "N" word now - THAT's news.  I say dump him and be done.  But if he did idiotic things in his youth, who didn't?  Our generation is the one that finally made racism (and not just discrimination) ugly and unacceptable.  Our parents grew up racist and taught it to us.  We are teaching our kids not to believe that nonsense.  At some point, there has to be a transistional generation in any social change.  Ours was that generation.  That means we started out doing things like using the "N" word and making racial jokes when we were kids (Yeah, I did it.).  But we ultimately rejected that idea and started thinking clearly about racial differences.   It's something to be proud of, yet we are ashamed of it.  If we were cancer survivors or had gone throught the great depression like our parents and grandparents we wouldn't be ashamed to talk about our troubles.  But nobody wants to admit learning - and practicing - racism (even the subtle kinds) as a kid. 

I started losing respect for Bill Clinton (as opposed to just disagreeing with him) when he made that idiotic comment about not inhaling.  Of course he inhaled - and who cares.  I personally never did pot, but most of my friends did. (I was just scared of Dad finding out - thanks, Dad!).  He could have said he spent the seventies high and I wouldn't have had a problem with it.  But he tried to fudge it by appealing to the "cool" crowd without losing the "straight" vote.  Screw that!  Tell the truth and be damned.  Allen is doing the same thing here.  I think if he just came out and 'fess up this nonsense would get behind him.  He should say something like, "Look, I said and did some ignorant, terrible things back in my old college days.  I know it was wrong now, and I'm truly sorry.  But back then, it's the way everybody I knew talked and felt.  We had to get over that and we have.  I hope those I offended back then and now can find some peace in my coming, even belatedly, to an understanding of how wrong what I did was.   But I do not intend to leave this race because someone has brought up old mistakes."    The Dems would be disarmed, most people would forgive and move on, and we could get to some OTHER issues (such as who the candidates are sleeping with and whether they wear boxers of briefs). 

Anyway, nice to see you all.  I'll probably get to spend a bit more time here in a few weeks when I go off to a school for a week.  Have a good one, Saloonies!  :D


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