Author Topic: David S. Broder  (Read 839 times)

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Plane

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David S. Broder
« on: April 14, 2007, 01:03:35 AM »
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/07/28/AR2005072800213.html


Quote
"U.S. History: Our Worst Subject?"

Alexander, a Tennessee Republican, noted that "according to the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), commonly referred to as 'the nation's report card,' fewer students have just a basic understanding of American history than have a basic understanding of any other subject which we test -- including math, science and reading."

Charles Smith, the executive director of the NAEP governing board, spelled out what that means. In 2001, the last time the American history test was given, 57 percent of 12th-graders scored "below basic" in the subject.

"This means," he said, "that the majority of 12th graders did not know, for example, that the Monroe Doctrine expressed opposition to European colonization in the Americas at the early part of the 19th century; how government spending during the Great Depression affected the economy; and that the Soviet Union was an ally of the U.S. in World War II."

   

The_Professor

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Re: David S. Broder
« Reply #1 on: April 14, 2007, 06:05:14 PM »
I have spoken about this to some History profs at work and they constant bemoan this. But then, English profs tell me about the inadequacy of college Freshmen in that field as well. Is this a universal, across-the-board fact or just a perception? If it is true, WHY is it true? Are we dumbing down the educaitonal process? If so, how might we turn it around? What impact does this have upon our cities, states, our nation? Our employers?

Or is it all just a ploy to get more dollars from the political establishment?

modestyblase

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Re: David S. Broder
« Reply #2 on: April 14, 2007, 06:55:31 PM »
Certainly, our education system is awful. I believe in the need for public education because of the efficiency of a populace having a wellrounded, similar base of learning. However, funding is a giant issue, and one I will let others debate. The lack of knowledge consistently astounds me, as does the vulgarity of *common* speech(those privvy to my former nom de plume could truly have a field day with that statement  ;D )in all regards.
I truly have no clue how to address this. I used to think about it, but since my daughter will be taught as much by me as by her school, I focus on different issues.

I can say this: It affects businesses and culture tremendously. Our C-grade student president(hardly a good advertisement for the prestigious Ivy Leagues)is the most obvious example. Without a wellrounded base, efficiency is difficult. Communication issues, socialization issues, etc. are quite disruptive to the workplace and as a result productivity is hurt. The effect on lack of secular knowledge in regarsd to civic issues and more is summed in http://www.prospect.org/web/page.ww?section=root&name=ViewWeb&articleId=10844 this article.

BT

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Re: David S. Broder
« Reply #3 on: April 14, 2007, 07:46:09 PM »
Very interesting link at the bottom of your post!

an excerpt:

Lumping specific survey statements like these together into related groups, Nordhaus and Shellenberger arrived at what they call “social values trends,” such as “sexism,” “patriotism,” or “acceptance of flexible families.” But the real meaning of those trends was revealed only by plugging them into the “values matrix” -- a four-quadrant plot with plenty of curving arrows to show direction, which is then overlaid onto voting data. The quadrants represent different worldviews. On the top lies authority, an orientation that values traditional family, religiosity, emotional control, and obedience. On the bottom, the individuality orientation encompasses risk-taking, “anomie-aimlessness,” and the acceptance of flexible families and personal choice. On the right side of the scale are values that celebrate fulfillment, such as civic engagement, ecological concern, and empathy. On the left, there’s a cluster of values representing the sense that life is a struggle for survival: acceptance of violence, a conviction that people get what they deserve in life, and civic apathy. These quadrants are not random: Shellenberger and Nordaus developed them based on an assessment of how likely it was that holders of certain values also held other values, or “self-clustered.”

Over the past dozen years, the arrows have started to point away from the fulfillment side of the scale, home to such values as gender parity and personal expression, to the survival quadrant, home to illiberal values such as sexism, fatalism, and a focus on “every man for himself.” Despite the increasing political power of the religious right, Environics found social values moving away from the authority end of the scale, with its emphasis on responsibility, duty, and tradition, to a more atomized, rage-filled outlook that values consumption, sexual permissiveness, and xenophobia. The trend was toward values in the individuality quadrant.

Any reader remotely familiar with American popular culture will immediately recognize the truth of this analysis. Ariel Levy recently grappled with one aspect of it in her book Female Chauvinist Pigs: Women and the Rise of Raunch Culture, writing about a hypersexualized culture that encourages its young women to be Girls Gone Wild and its young men to be piggish voyeurs. She describes a new anti-feminist vision of “liberation” that eschews both traditional constraints and any concern for gender equality. “Despite the rising power of Evangelical Christianity and the political right in the United States, this trend has only grown more extreme and more pervasive,” notes Levy. Indeed, the coarse, brawny, self-centered new philosophy could take as its exemplar television personality Bill O’Reilly, a man who, it was alleged in a sexual harassment lawsuit, is as interpersonally crude as he is politically rough and bullying. Americans, writes Environics founder Michael Adams in his 2005 book American Backlash: The Untold Story of Social Change in the United States, increasingly reject traditionalism and progressivism alike.

“While American politics becomes increasingly committed to a brand of conservatism that favors traditionalism, religiosity, and authority,” Adams writes, “the culture at large [is] becoming ever more attached to hedonism, thrill-seeking, and a ruthless, Darwinist understanding of human competition.” This behavior is particularly prevalent among the vast segment of American society that is not politically or civically engaged, and which usually fails to even vote. This has created what must be understood at the electoral level as a politics of backlash on the part of both Republican and Democratic voters: Voters of both parties, Environics data show, have developed an increasingly moralistic politics as a reaction to the new cultural order.


modestyblase

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Re: David S. Broder
« Reply #4 on: April 15, 2007, 07:09:24 PM »
"“While American politics becomes increasingly committed to a brand of conservatism that favors traditionalism, religiosity, and authority,” Adams writes, “the culture at large [is] becoming ever more attached to hedonism, thrill-seeking, and a ruthless, Darwinist understanding of human competition.” This behavior is particularly prevalent among the vast segment of American society that is not politically or civically engaged, and which usually fails to even vote. This has created what must be understood at the electoral level as a politics of backlash on the part of both Republican and Democratic voters: Voters of both parties, Environics data show, have developed an increasingly moralistic politics as a reaction to the new cultural order."

I find the entire analysis interesting, and that this "Darwinian competition" is being reacted to by politics when in fact politics and politicians have little impact on this segment of the population leaves one wondering how their efforts will, well, be effective.
Hollywood, on the other hand...

From the article:
Looking at the data from 1992 to 2004, Shellenberger and Nordhaus found a country whose citizens are increasingly authoritarian while at the same time feeling evermore adrift, isolated, and nihilistic. They found a society at once more libertine and more puritanical than in the past, a society where solidarity among citizens was deteriorating, and, most worrisomely to them, a progressive clock that seemed to be unwinding backward on broad questions of social equity. Between 1992 and 2004, for example, the percentage of people who said they agree that “the father of the family must be the master in his own house” increased ten points, from 42 to 52 percent, in the 2,500-person Environics survey. The percentage agreeing that “men are naturally superior to women” increased from 30 percent to 40 percent. Meanwhile, the fraction that said they discussed local problems with people they knew plummeted from 66 percent to 39 percent. Survey respondents were also increasingly accepting of the value that “violence is a normal part of life” -- and that figure had doubled even before the al-Qaeda terrorist attacks.

The figures regarding local civic matters really bothers me. Change begins at the local level, so what change can we expect with so few engaging in them?
And the questions they raise in this section are certainly noteworthy-political philosophers and theorists should be answering them:

Behind the increasing isolation and fatalism of the American public there is also a new economic reality in which workers have fewer and fewer bonds of solidarity with each other, and no one to catch them should they fall. For Democratic strategists, that’s also led to tough questions: What does it mean to be the party of the working class in an information-era economy where only eight percent of the private sector is in unions and 43 percent of the population work in office jobs? Who is still “working class” in a nation that has moved from having a labor force where half hadn’t even finished high school in 1960 to one, in 2003, where only 10 percent of workers lacked a diploma or GED and close to 60 percent had at least some college education? And what can be expected from an electorate where, as in 2004, more voters had incomes greater than $100,000 than less than $15,000? Most importantly: How does the Democratic Party, whose most essential economic ideas were forged in the crucibles of the worst of times, develop an agenda for a post-scarcity society?