plane: <<I disagree strongly with this point [that "in the months leading up to the start of the Iraq War, it was common to hear seemingly educated people say that the Arabs, particularly Iraqis, had no way of life worth saving and would be better off if all “that old stuffâ€â€”their traditions, social institutions, and values—were done away with, and soon.""]
nothing like this was common to hear , there really isn't a strong desire in America to convert all of the world to sameness.>>
Bah, humbug - - crap like that was all over the airwaves: Daniel Pipes, Bernard Lewis, Fouad Ajami all the tame "experts" you could hope to find on the Muslim mind. Here's an article by Pipes from the website of the Sydney Morning Herald:
http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/02/10/1044725733354.htmlFebruary 11 2003 Outsiders wonder if the Security Council will endorse Washington's goal of toppling Saddam Hussein. But policy insiders assume there will be an American war and an American victory, followed by Iraq's rehabilitation.
For insiders, the main issue is the extent of US ambition in the Arabic-speaking countries after that's all done. This foreshadows the debate likely to dominate foreign policy circles for decades: what should be America's role in the world?
In the ambitious corner stands the Middle East specialist
Fouad Ajami, a Lebanese immigrant and professor at Johns Hopkins University. Writing in the liberal-leaning Foreign Affairs,
he comments scathingly about the reigning political culture in the Arab countries (the belligerence and self-pity in Arab life, its retreat from modernist culture, and its embrace of conspiracy theories). He sees in the vigorous exercise of US power the best chance for improvement: no great apologies ought to be made for US unilateralism. The region can live with and use that unilateralism.
Ajami wants US will and prestige to tip the scales in favour of modernity and change and calls on Washington to aim high. Beyond toppling the regime of Saddam and dismantling its weapons, Onthe driving motivation of a new US endeavour in Iraq and in neighbouring Arab lands should be modernising the Arab world.
Only a successful US military campaign in Iraq will embolden those Arabs who seek deliverance from retrogression and political decay, so he hopes the war will be fought with the promise that the US is now on the side of reform.
In the cautious corner is the strategist
Andrew J. Bacevich, a retired army colonel and now professor at Boston University whose evocatively titled article "Don't Be Greedy!" appeared in the conservative National Review. Bacevich admonishes the Bush Administration to confine its attention to Iraq and not make grand plans to bring democracy to the Arabs.
He dismisses these as utterly preposterous on four grounds:
Arabs have little affinity for democracy due to historical, cultural and religious factors. Arabs understand that freedom implies disposable marriages, sexual licence and abortion on demand as much as it does self-government and the rule of law - and they decline the package. Efforts to inculcate democratic values will find few allies from within Arab societies, where advocates for liberal values constitute at best a small minority.
Advocates for an ambitious program point to Germany and Japan as models, forgetting the protracted, ugly and unpopular US failures in the Philippines, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Haiti and South Vietnam. The Arab countries will more likely fit the latter pattern than the former.
Instead of trying to bring the Arabs into ideological sympathy with the United States, the goal should be to improve their governments' behaviour. Concepts such as parliaments or women's rights may strike Saudi princes as alien. On the other hand, they have no difficulty grasping the significance of a B-2 bomber or a carrier battle group.
More broadly, Bacevich sees this approach as a proper modesty and self-restraint in US foreign policy.
Bacevich and Ajami make compelling arguments and their articles should be read in full, but this analyst sides with Ajami. Addressing Bacevich's four points:
Japan had about as much affinity for democracy in 1945 as the Arabs do today, yet democracy took hold there.
There is no indication that an open political system inexorably leads to higher divorce rates and the other social changes - again, look at Japan.
A US victory in Iraq and the successful rehabilitation of that country will bring liberals out of the woodwork and generally move the region towards democracy. (Saudi leaders are leaking their plans to establish elected assemblies, something totally unprecedented in their kingdom.)
The US cannot pass up a unique chance to remake the world's most politically fevered region. Sure, the effort might fail, but to not even try would be a missed opportunity.
The Secretary of State, Colin Powell, said last week that US success in Iraq could reshape (the Middle East) in a powerful, positive way, suggesting even the Bush team's most cautious member is rightly coming around to the ambitious point of view.
Daniel Pipes (
www.DanielPipes.org) is director of the Middle East Forum and author of Militant Islam Reaches America (W.W. Norton).
This story was found at:
http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/02/10/1044725733354.html